“Security policy is the ultimate common task”
In view of the growing instability and threats worldwide, Switzerland has set up the State Secretariat for Security Policy SEPOS. An interview with its director, Markus Mäder.
Security has become a strategic topic even for a neutral country like Switzerland. What are currently the main geopolitical challenges for Switzerland’s security policy?
We are in a phase of geopolitical transition, and the consequences have also affected Switzerland’s strategic environment. At the regional level, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is the most immediate challenge in terms of security policy. The Russian aggression against a sovereign neighbouring country is a blatant breach of international law, especially of the UN Charter, and destabilises the entire European peace and security order. It also shows that the use of raw military power is coming to the forefront again as an instrument with which interests can be imposed – a development that, after decades of peace on our continent, many deemed impossible, at least in the European context.
Beyond the immediate events in Ukraine we are seeing a growing hybrid conflict management by Russia against Europe via influencing campaigns, disinformation, cyber attacks, espionage and acts of sabotage. Countries that provide military support to Ukraine are particularly affected. But in the information arena and cyber space Switzerland is also already involved, both as a venue and as a target. The borders between peace and armed conflict have become unclear and blurred.
We are also observing worrying developments at the global level. Around the world, tensions are building and new conflicts are erupting – whether as part of the systemic competition between superpowers or in direct disputes between regional powers and within countries. The rule-based international order with its system of collective security, which was established as a consequence of World War II with the aim of preventing further wars, is showing signs of persistent erosion. Multilateral conflict-solving mechanisms and international agreements, such as those aimed at arms control, are becoming less effective and are losing support. A struggle is under way to determine the future structure of international relations, and there are clearly differing ideas of the global order. In general terms one can say that the free, democratic countries are interested in preserving the current rule-based order, while a group of authoritarian powers is pursuing a revision of their own, and various other countries are at least targeting a reform of the prevailing “rules”. The reorientation of US foreign and security policy initiated by Trump 2.0 further weakens this international order, which also has fundamental repercussions for transatlantic relations and European security, thus directly affecting Switzerland.
At the same time, we should remember that non-governmental violent phenomena and players continue to threaten our security: terrorism, violent extremism and organised crime. And climate change is a general conflict catalyst in that it accentuates the shortage of resources, poverty and migration and thus increases existing security policy-related risks.
I am convinced that, in view of the multifaceted nature and complexity of the current threats, we have to continue to expand and develop the interplay of our civil and military defence and response capabilities. Ultimately, the strength of Switzerland’s security policy lies in concerted action, involving all relevant partners. This is our tried-and-tested federal approach, and we have to nurture and continue developing this strength.
National security is often based on a combination of military and civil resources. Is this still relevant for Switzerland?
Security policy is the ultimate common task. In order to deal with today’s complex threat situation, what is needed are not just individual instruments but an orchestrated interplay of them – both military and civil – at the federal and cantonal level, and in certain areas also by means of public-private cooperation.
Hybrid conflict management is a central example for me: Switzerland is already affected by cyber attacks, espionage, disinformation and attempts at circumnavigating sanctions. Many of those involved see identifying and preventing these as their daily task. This includes civil and military means and all levels of government. In terms of disinformation, intelligence findings play a role, yet the protection and the resilience of Switzerland are also greatly dependent on a functional media landscape, communication by government and the level of political education of the general public.
I am convinced that, in view of the multifaceted nature and complexity of the current threats, we have to continue to expand and develop the interplay of our civil and military defence and response capabilities. Ultimately, the strength of Switzerland’s security policy lies in concerted action, involving all relevant partners. This is our tried-and-tested federal approach, and we have to nurture and continue developing this strength.
What will become increasingly important for Switzerland’s security and prosperity in future?
The key will be how well Switzerland is able to understand security as a common task for the state and society as a whole and to gear its response to a broad spectrum of cumulative, overlapping and sometimes unclear threats. Given the ambiguous nature of power-political threats below the threshold of an armed conflict – whereby an aggressor initially aims to weaken social cohesion and paralyse a country’s ability to act – early identification, evaluation and timely strategic decision-making are key. At the same time it is equally important that, despite the currently strong logic of threats, we retain the mental flexibility to identify and seize the opportunities that rise in the midst of crises and transitions.
More information about State Secretariat for Security Policy SEPOS
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